April 6, 1917: The United States declares war on Germany in response to Germany's continued submarine attacks on civilian ships.

May 18, 1917:  The Selective Service Act of 1917 requires all males age 21 to 30 to register for the draft.

June 5, 1917: Edwin registers for the draft as required by law.  At this time he was living in Alliance, Ohio, working for the Pennsylvania Railroad as a car inspector. 

August 1917 muster roll	August 1917muster roll notes note	Sept. 1917 muster roll #1	Sept. 1917 muster roll #2

The location on the August muster roll is still the Company M Recruit Depot, Marine Barracks, Philadelphia. It shows Edwin's name and enlistment date but has no additional notes on him. The commander's note says "Names of men borne on this roll with the exception of transferred men and Numbers 106 and 117, were on Detached Duty at Marine Corps Rifle Range, Winthrop M.D. From 29th to 31st."

September 7, 1917: Edwin qualified as MM (marksman) according to the first September muster roll. There were three levels of special qualifications in shooting skills. From lowest to highest, they were Marksman, Sharpshooter, and Expert. These designations were for marksmanship with rifles and/or pistols. McClellan page 69 says that 38% of the men who joined the Marines in 1917 achieved some kind of marksmanship classification, with the marksmen outnumbering the higher classifications. It also says that only men who qualified as marksman or better could be sent overseas. This was not related to machine guns; machine gunnery was a special skill, and not everyone received the training for it. The documents available to me don't mention his machine gun training, but the amount of time that Edwin spent at Quantico later on indicates that he got his machine gun training there.

September 18, 1917: Edwin is transferred to the 106th Co 8th Regiment, Marine Barracks, Philadelphia, along with most of the other men in his group. The first September muster roll records his departure from his old unit, and the second September muster roll records his arrival in his new unit.

March 28, 1918: Edwin is transferred from the Replacement Battalion to the 23rd Company of the 6th Machine Gun Battalion, along with a number of other men from the Replacement Battalion. For the first time, the muster roll shows a number next to each man's name.  Edwin's number is 108643. The Marines did not start issuing official service numbers until after World War I (Wikipedia), but this number apparently served a similar purpose. The Army started using service numbers in 1918, and Edwin's unit was attached to the Army's Second Division. So the Army may have assigned the number to him.  This same number appears in the Adjutant General's record that was posted earlier.

The March muster roll notes say "March 1-16 at Breuvannes, France; 17-28 at Ancemont, France; 29-30 in front line trenches in Chatillon and Bourbaki Sectors." Edwin went straight to the trenches when he was assigned to the 23rd Company. The 4th Marine Brigade in WWI reports that the units were ordered to move to a new area on March 14, and on March 16 they marched to a railroad station in Breauvannes, and were delivered to Lemmes in the Verdun sector.  On the 17th each company was assigned to a unit to support, with the 23rd Company assigned to the 2nd Battalion of the 5th Marine Regiment (2/5 for short).

"At 4:00 a.m., on March 29th, the 23rd Company marched from Ancemont to Camp Rienieu, where a halt was made until 7:30 p.m., when the march was resumed to the Chatillon-Bourbaki Sector, where it relieved the French in the front line trenches, supporting the 2nd Battalion, 5th Marines."

McClellan page 28 says that

"the average Marine who arrived in France received at least six weeks training in the United States in a recruit depot and a very short period at Quantico. This is a contrast to the six months' training received by the average enlisted man of the Army. After arrival in France the Marines, except those of the original Fourth Brigade, received practically no training in a training area since they joined the brigade almost immediately."

Toulon Sector (Verdun), March 30-May 13, 1918: Verdun was the site of one of the biggest, longest, bloodiest battles of the war in 1916, but it was considered to be a quiet defensive sector in 1918. But it was still part of the front line, and it was a good place for men who had never been on the front before to get their first taste of actual field conditions. There were no major engagements here during this time period, but there were a number of raids and enough action that activities like the digging of machine gun emplacements had to be done after dark to avoid enemy fire.  Page 48 of Devil Dogs says, "While in the Verdun sector the companies of the battalion were constantly on the move to and from their designated areas and suffered ten casualties." History of the Sixth Machine Gun Battalion page 11 shows that the casualties were 1 killed, 1 wounded, and 8 gassed. All were from the 15th company, except that one of the gassed was from the 81st company.

The general plan during this time period was for each battalion to spend 10 days on the front and then be relieved for 10 days. The men had to do a lot of digging during their 10-day "rest" period.  History of the Sixth Machine Gun Battalion page 11 says "During the period of service in the front line trenches in this sector the companies participated in repelling raids, patrolling No-mans land, repairing barbed wire, constructing trenches and machine gun emplacements, indirect fire, barrage fire and harassing fire."

The April muster roll notes say "April 1-30, in front line trenches in Chatillon and Bourbaki Sectors, France". It also reports that Edwin's marksman insignia was delivered on April 17. The May muster roll doesn't comment on him.

Devil Dogs page 44 reports that getting food to the men on the front lines was a difficult undertaking. The enlisted men on the front lines never got enough to eat or drink, and when the food arrived it was cold and of poor quality. But alcohol was overly abundant, and there were issues with drunkenness. Conditions on the front lines were hard on the uniforms, and ragged clothing was common. The trenches were muddy and cold, which caused an unpleasant condition called trench foot, and they were heavily infested with lice (NCpedia). Trench life was no picnic even when nobody was shooting at you.

The May muster roll notes say "1-13 in front line trenches in Chatillon and Boubaki Sectors, France; 14, at Heippes France; 15 at Hargeville, France; 23-31 at Montjavault, France."

On May 14th the 4th Brigade relocated to the vicinity of Chaumont en Vixen. They traveled by train and with a two-day road march, with troops billeted in barns and farmyards along the way.  Intensive training was undertaken there in anticipation of being assigned to an active front. The 6th Machine Gun Battalion was deployed as a single unit so they could provide concentrated fire support at key points along the Allied line during both defensive and offensive operations. The 15th and 23rd companies were assigned to the left flank of the Allied line, and the 77th and 81st to the right. 

History of the Sixth Machine Gun Battalion page 10 says "The 23rd Company was relieved the night of May 13-14th, by the French in Chatillon-Bourbaki Sector, and marched to Ancemont." It goes on to report that on May 14th from 7 AM to 3 PM, the entire battalion marched 17 kilometers from Ancemont to Hieppes and billeted for the night; on May 15th from 8 AM to 4 PM they marched 20 kilometers from Hieppes to Hargeville and billeted; on May 16th from 8 AM to 9:30 PM they marched 40 kilometers from Hargeville to Venault-le-Chatel, where they rested until May 20th. On May 20th they marched from 9 AM to noon, traveling to Vitry-le-Francois. All but the 15th and 23rd companies left at 4:30 PM, but the 15th and 23rd stayed longer and left for Isle-Adam at 9:30 PM. The wording is a bit unclear, but it sounds like everyone was traveling by train instead of marching, and the first train may not have had enough room for everyone. The 15th and 23rd companies arrived at Isle-Adam at 9 AM on May 21, then marched 22 kilometers to Haravillers. On May 22nd, the 23rd, Headquarters and Supply Train companies left at 8 AM and marched 15 kilometers to Montjavoult and billeted there, while the rest of the battalion marched to other nearby destinations.

June 1918 muster roll	June 1918 muster roll notes	July 1918 muster roll	July 1918 muster roll notes

Wikipedia is currently reporting that during the night of June 1, the 23rd Infantry Regiment, the 1st Battalion of the 5th Marines, and an unidentified "element" of the 6th Machine Gun Battalion conducted a forced march over 10 km (6.2 mi) to plug a gap in the line, which they achieved by dawn. But page 78 of Devil Dogs says that it was the 5th Machine Gun Battalion that was involved in this action, not the 6th, and they are probably correct. 

Belleau Wood, June 12, 1918, with some captured enemy equipment. The man in the foreground on the right is believed to be Edwin Beach. Monongahela Books says he is holding a grenade in one hand and some hardtack in the other.  Trip-Wire says it's two fuses for the captured artillery piece.

What happened next was rather surprising.  Thanks to Jerry Beach for providing the video. Please excuse any weird Youtube graphics.

On June 6 the fight officially transitioned from being a defensive action to an offensive action, as the Germans tried to advance through Belleau Wood and the Americans tried to push them back out of it. Belleau Wood was not strategically important, and the forest covered only 200 acres, but its symbolic value was immense.  It was the American troops' first test in action, and they were determined to show their battle-worthiness. The Germans were equally determined to crush them. The fight lasted for several weeks, and Belleau Wood is considered by many to be America's greatest World War I battle. On the American side, the battle was fought primarily by inexperienced men of the 4th Marine Brigade - the 5th and 6th Marine Regiments and the 6th Machine Gun Battalion - who took complete control of the woods on June 26. Many accounts of the battle are available, but most sources do not specifically trace the actions of the 23rd Machine Gun Company throughout this time period. But the fighting was fierce, and they must have seen plenty of action. Here are the incidents that have been reported:

Page 142 of At Belleau Wood reports that the battle plan called for the 23rd Company to support the 1st Battalion 5th Marines' attack on Hill 142 beginning at 3:45 AM. But the orders were not delivered on time and things did not go as planned. Several companies were not in the right place at the appointed hour, and there was no sign of several others including the 23rd Company. Devil Dogs page 100 says the orders came too late for the 23rd to make it there on time. The 1/5's attack on Hill 142 went forward using 10 guns of the 15th Company, but without the 23rd Company. By 5 PM, the 23rd Company was in position on the western edge of Belleau Wood supporting the 3rd battalion of the 6th regiment (3/6).

On June 6 Edwin was exposed to mustard gas, but it wasn't severe enough to put him out of action. In addition to harming the respiratory system, mustard gas can cause chemical burns and blisters on the skin, digestive symptoms including vomiting and diarrhea, and decreased red and white blood cell counts (CDC). The June 1918 muster roll doesn't mention the gas, in fact it doesn't comment on Edwin at all, although it lists a number of casualties and the arrival of replacements. The July muster roll doesn't comment on him either. He was awarded the Purple Heart for this incident in 1989, at the request of the family.

Devil Dogs page 101 calls this day "the most catastrophic day in Marine Corps history" because of the high casualties.  The 2nd Battalion 5th Marines (2/5 for short) that the 23rd Company was usually attached to was not involved in the main action that day, and instead the 23rd Company was supporting the 3/6. The 3/6 had to advance through a waist-high wheatfield into enemy machine gun fire during this attack, and also faced sharpshooters and barbed wire. The machine gunners also had to move forward periodically as the line advanced.

The second recognition by the French was a laudatory statement that was not translated into English in the text. On a more visible level, the French later awarded the 4th Marine Brigade the fourragère of the Croix de Guerre for their accomplishments at Belleau Wood, Soissons, and Blanc Mont Ridge.  

On an informal level, the brigade earned the nickname "Devil Dogs" with the fierceness of their fighting at Belleau Wood. However, it's suspected that the name is an American invention and not something that the Germans actually called the Marines at Belleau Wood (ThoughtCo).

History of the Sixth Machine Gun Battalion says that for the first three days of this battle, "all the companies were thrown almost entirely on their own resources as far as food was concerned, this being due to the fact that the animal transportation had not caught up to the battalion. The rapid advance of the Huns caused much stock to be abandoned by the refugees. Stock wandered all over the country occupied by our troops, and owing to the shortage of rations the stray cattle and hogs were butchered and the meat distributed to the men." It also reports that The supply of ammunition was excellent and reliable, at all times.  Several machine guns with their entire crews were destroyed by shell fire.  Ten mules were killed by shell fire."

The casualties were much higher among the infantry, and the 6th Marines lost more than half their men that day. McClellan page 45 sums the battle up for us:

The 4th Brigade was relieved by French troops at 0100 on July 20 (The 4th Marine Brigade in World War I). The 6th MGB marched to the woods at Carrefour de la Croix and bivouacked.  They remained in a reserve position until July 22, then marched to an area further in the rear, although officially they were still in a reserve position. After final relief from this active sector on July 24 they were billeted in an area around Nanteuil-le-Haudouin, halfway between Soissons and Paris, where they remained until July 31. Then they had a 24-hour railroad journey to an area around Nancy, where they rested for a few more days.

The July muster roll notes say "Except as otherwise stated in “Remarks”, I hereby certify that each man whose name appears herein served in open warfare against the enemy in the vicinity of the town of Vieray, France from 17th to 20th inclusive."

Marbache sector, August 9-16, 1918: Although officially designated as a battle zone because it was on the front lines, there wasn't a lot that actually happened in this sector during this time period. An enemy raid was successfully repulsed, but otherwise it was considered to be relatively quiet and uneventful, even though the German artillery was quite active (McClellan page 48, Devil Dogs page 263). During this time the companies of the 6th MGB were divided up amongst the infantry battalions, with the 23rd Company getting their usual assignment with the 2nd Battalion 5th Marines (2/5) (Devil Dogs page 263).

It is speculated that the 2nd Division was posted in this area to trick the Germans into thinking that a major attack was going to be made here, when the real plan was to attack the St. Mihiel sector.

Devil Dogs page 265 reports that during this time period, the potatoes in the Marines' diet were temporarily replaced by tomatoes, which were overabundant in the area.  This change was welcomed at first, but it wasn't long before they wanted the potatoes back again.

Wikipedia sums up the battle for us:

The operation was a cakewalk compared to what they'd expected, but there were heavy casualties nonetheless. Devil Dogs page 285 says "it is evident that the dead and wounded were mainly from the 6th Marines and the 6th Machine Gun Battalion". It says that the 6th MGB had 41 wounded, but does not mention deaths. Casualties were considerably higher among the Marine infantry. The detailed reports in The 4th Marine Brigade in World War I say that the 77th and 81st companies saw more fighting than the 15th and 23rd did. 

The 4th Brigade was relieved on the night of September 15-16, except that the 6th Machine Gun Battalion stayed in place for another 24 hours. On September 20, the brigade moved to an area south of Toul and remained in this area until September 25, when it moved by rail to an area south of Chalons-sur-Marne.

October 1918 muster roll	October 1918 muster roll notes

During this battle the machine gun companies were assigned to specific Marine battalions, with the 23rd Company getting their usual assignment with the 2/5. They were positioned on the right flank.

The battle was a hard uphill fight against a nearly impregnable position. The attack began on October 3, with the 6th Marines initially taking the toughest approach and the 5th Marines having a relatively easy time. Late in the day, the order was given for the 5th Marines to pass through the 6th Marines to the front line and continue the attack. But the day's fighting had left the units too spread out and disorganized for this to happen, so the remainder of the day's attack had to be canceled.

The battle resumed the next morning (October 4) with the 5th Marines leading the way.  The 3/5 was in front, followed by 1/5, with the 2/5 bringing up the rear as a regimental reserve. All three battalions were subjected to ferocious artillery and machine gun fire as they traveled over broken ground. After about a mile they were forced to stop, and were ordered to dig in where they were. Devil Dogs page 311 says that the 77th Machine Gun Company was with the 3/5 providing some protection, but does not say where the other machine gun companies were. The 5th Marines were so badly damaged by this day's fighting that they did not participate in the rest of the Blanc Mont campaign.

The battle continued for another 5 days of fierce fighting until it was finally won on October 9. Wikipedia says, "the 6th Machine Gun Battalion's companies laid down a heavy suppressing fire as both the 4th Marine Brigade and the French 4th Army stormed Blanc Mont ridge". There is no specific information on the 23rd Machine Gun Company, but they apparently continued to fight during this period.  Devil Dogs page 336 says that all the companies of the 6th Machine Gun Battalion "were always up front with the attacking groups, suffering accordingly" during the entire Blanc Mont fight, and that the battle "was a relatively short period, compared to the Belleau Wood campaign, but it was as intense and as bloody and, according to the veterans of both, worse."

The 4th Marine Brigade in World War I has a detailed report on the 23rd Company from October 1-10:

• Oct 1st 5:45 PM joined the 2/5 on the Ano de Chaussee Romaine route in Bois de la Cote. Weather fair and cold.
• Oct 1st 7:15 PM marched east on the road to national route #77 Nevers Sedan, then turned and traveled north on this road through Souain to Somme-Py. From point 268-274-10-7 [not clear where that is], machine guns were carried by hand with each crew carrying 9 containers of ammunition. All remaining ammunition was dumped and left behind without a guard. A runner was detailed to remember the location, but no info was given to the platoon commanders. As a result, 36 belt containers and 128 strip containers were salvaged by someone unknown. The kitchen, water cart, and ration cart were ordered to follow the company. But roads were bad and blocked by traffic, and this supply train lost the company near Navarin Farm. The next morning it joined the supply train of the 2/5. The Company was shelled lightly near the Farm but had no casualties.
• October 2nd 2:00 AM arrived at Somme-Py and relieved the French in the support position along the railway running through the southern edge of the town. Relief was made without being shelled but under harassing machine gun fire all day from the enemy. No casualties. Enemy shelling during the day with one casualty. At 8 PM all platoon commanders reported to the Company commander and were notified of a planned attack at 6 AM on October 3.
• Oct 3rd 6:00 AM the 2/5 formed in two combat groups with the 23rd Company following the second group. The advance began at 7:45 AM with the 2/5 following behind the 3/5. The 6th Regiment was the attacking unit and the 5th Regiment was the second wave. As the 23rd Company advanced they were subjected to heavy shell fire and machine gun fire on the left flank, but had few casualties because they took advantage of the available cover. The 2/5 took up a front line position along an old road on the left of the 6th Regiment. In taking this position they were subjected to heavy shell and machine gun fire. Two platoons of machine guns were put in line and one platoon was held in support in a trench near the company commander's P.C. [Post of Command].  At 10 PM they were ordered to draw back, and remained there until 6 AM October 4.
• Oct 4th 5:00 AM the 5th Regiment formed for attack on the roadside. Some units were subjected to much shell fire and gas while forming, including the 23rd Company. Two machine gun crews were knocked out while forming for attack. Two platoons of machine guns were supporting and one platoon was in reserve slightly to the rear. They attacked toward St. Etienne. There was no resistance, but there was shell fire from an arc and enemy machine gun fire came both flanks, right and front. The infantry withdrew to a different point and established a line there. Two machine gun crews remained at the farthest point of advance for three hours until the line had been formed, then came back in line with the infantry. The supply train provided two hot meals per day from Somme-Py. In the afternoon, the company commander and second in command were casualties.
• Oct 5th and 6th held same position
• Oct 7th about 10 PM the 2/5 and the machine gun company withdrew and took up reserve positions along trench de St. Etienne.
• Oct 8th held reserve position
• Oct 9th received orders that the company was relieved effective 3 AM on October 10
• Oct 10th marched through Somme-Py and picked up their supply train there, then retraced their previous route on highway #77 Nevers Sedan through Souain. Proceeded to the battalion train located in Bois de la Cusines Boches, where the company had breakfast and picked up packs left there. Then they marched through Suippes to Camp Marchand, arriving there around 4 PM.

There is a separate report by the battalion commander that tells the same story, as well as reporting on what the other three machine gun companies were doing. The 23rd and the 77th saw the most action.  The report states that the relief of the 6th MGB was badly bungled, since the relieving division had no orders, instructions, or idea of what they were to do.  The commander of the machine gun battalion that was relieving the 6th MGB was never seen and could not be located.

The October 1918 muster roll doesn't make any comments about Edwin, but it shows many replacements joining the 23rd Company after the battle. The company must have had heavy casualties.

From October 10 to October 31 the 4th Brigade stayed in a variety of places for a few days at a time, often marching from place to place. Devil Dogs page 343 does not specifically mention the 6th MGB, but it reports the following movements for the 2nd Division in general:
Oct 14, march to the Bouy-la-Veuve-Dampierre area, north of Chalons-sur-Marne. Oct 20, march to Camps Montpelier and des Souches. The 4th Brigade was selected to relieve a French division and ordered to the Attigny-Voncq-Aisne region. On October 21 the brigade was on its way to the Suippes-Nativet-Somme-Suippes area, but received orders to rejoin the 2nd Division. So they marched back to Chalons. The 2nd Division was ordered to rejoin the 1st U.S. Army in the Argonne. The 4th Brigade rejoined the 2nd Division as Les Islettes, then marched to Exermont to begin preparations for the last battle of the war.

The October 1918 muster roll notes say "1 to 31 France. 2 to 10 in action against the enemy in Champagne Sector, France. 1-10 in front line position from Suippes, Marne to St Etienne, France. 11 at camp L’Ermitage near Chalons, Province of Marne, France. 21 Somme-Py, Province of Marne, France, en-route to-. 22-23 at Somme-Py, Province of Marne, France. 24-25 enroute to Valmy, Province of Marne, France. 26 enroute to Les Islettes, Province of Marne, France. 27 enroute to reserve position near Exermont, Province of Meuse, France. 28-31 in reserve position near Exermont, Province of Meuse, France."

Meuse-Argonne Offensive Nov 1-11, 1918: The 4th Brigade went back into combat on the morning of November 1, joining the last phase of the massive Meuse-Argonne offensive that had been underway since September 26

Wikipedia says that the companies of the 6th Machine Gun Battalion were kept together as a single unit, but other sources indicate that this is incorrect; they kept to their usual pattern of specific companies supporting specific regiments. The battle began with a two-hour Allied artillery barrage that included heavy fire from the entire 6th MGB (Devil Dogs page 349). The barrage was effective enough that the infantry attack that followed it encountered relatively little resistance. As the Germans were pushed back, the machine gun battalion advanced along with the 5th and 6th Marine Regiments toward the Meuse River.

By November 5, some of the American forces had started to cross the Meuse, 30 km from the point where they began on November 1. But most of the troops including the 4th Brigade were delayed from crossing the river by the lack of bridging equipment, and the traffic congestion to their rear interfered with the delivery of other supplies. The Germans were fiercely defending the crossing points to protect the retreat of their own army. 

On November 10, the 5th and 6th Marines were ordered to cross the river and take a heavily defended ridge, and some machine gun crews went with them.  The description of the timing in Devil Dogs is rather garbled, but apparently a pontoon bridge was built and the river was crossed around midnight during the night of November 10-11, with heavy casualties. Devil Dogs page 374 says:

Was Edwin Beach the gunner for that solitary machine gun emplacement?  Based on the detailed report from the 23rd Company commander in The 4th Marine Brigade in World War I, it seems mostly likely that his gun crew started out in a combat position during this campaign but didn't make it as far as the Meuse, dropping out on November 8 or 9. According to the report:

• For operations from Oct 31 to November 11, two platoons [8 machine gun crews total] were assigned to the 2/5, joining that unit at 'H' hour on November 1 after laying down harassing fire from prepared positions for two hours before 'H' hour. The third platoon [4 gun crews] was assigned to duty with the liaison company which connected on the right with the 89th Division. [We don't know which platoon Edwin was in].
• Oct 31st 8:00 PM began construction of machine gun emplacements for eight guns on a ridge 1.5 kilometers northeast of Sommerance, completing the work by midnight.
• Nov 1st 3:30 AM all guns commenced harassing fire until 'H' hour (5:30 AM). Rate of fire was 25 per minute, concentrated on designated areas in the vicinity of Landres St. Georges at ranges of 1700 to 2000 meters, with two guns covering each area. The 2/5 formed in the rear of the machine gun position, then passed this position at 'H' hour. They were joined by the two machine gun platoons with one machine gun platoon at each flank. The 2/5 was the support battalion in the attack on the first objective. The platoon with the liaison company advanced in their rear. When the first objective was reached, the 2/5 took the lead in advancing on the second objective, which was reached at 12:20 PM without serious resistance and no opportunity to use the machine guns. With the 2/5 in support, the 3/5 took the lead in advancing on the third objective, which was reached at 3:20 PM. The support entrenched for the night with the machine guns placed to cover the front and flanks.
• Nov 2nd remained in place supporting the front line without advancing.
• Nov 3rd still in a supporting role, the 2/5 and the machine guns advanced to a position on the line from le Champy Haut to les Fontenelles Farm and entrenched there.
• Nov 4th still in a supporting role, the 2/5 and the machine guns marched to the Bois du Port Gerache and at 9:45 AM took up a position in the northern edge of the woods directly south of Beaumont. They delivered frontal fire from this position, which they held until 7 PM with enemy fire concentrated on them; the machine gun company had 20% casualties. At 7 PM they marched to Belle Tour Farm and established a line without opposition. The strength of the company was now seven guns.
• Nov 5th remained in place.
• Nov 6th 7 AM moved to another position in the woods supporting the 2/5 and remained there during that day and night.
• Nov 7th moved again and bivouacked at 6:00 PM in the Bois de Sommauthe.
• Nov 8th remained in place.
• Nov 9th made a reconnaissance of the Meuse River near the Bois de Hospice with the aim of crossing. The battalion marched to the Bois du Fond de Limon and bivouacked there at 8 PM for the night.  Two gun crews were evacuated on the march for sickness. [It's likely that Edwin was one of them.] The company's strength was now down to 5 guns.
• Nov 10th remained in place during the day and at dusk advanced to the Meuse [at a point south of Villemontry] for crossing. One gun was sent forward across the river with an infantry platoon to form a bridge guard. The other four guns stayed on our side of the river with the reserve company because their crossing was delayed by the destruction of a bridge, in a position where they couldn't use their guns against the enemy. Their position was subjected to heavy artillery fire, and casualties were so heavy that the four guns were abandoned and then salvaged the next day. The gun that had crossed the river remained in place until the armistice took effect at 11 AM on November 11.
• During the period of operations the company was rationed from the kitchen after the third day, and the ammunition supply in the carts was always available after that time. Due to traffic congestion the company supply train was unable to connect with the advance until November 3, but there was no problem after that.
• The advance met with very little opposition until the crossing of the Meuse, and casualties were primarily due to enemy shell fire. There were no opportunities to use the machine guns against enemy targets at any time in this 10-day period [apparently even the one gun crew that made it across the Meuse didn't have anything to shoot at]. The rapid advance during the first four days made it hard for the machine gun crews to keep up with the infantry because of their heavy loads.

The report by the battalion commander tells the same story, and provides information on what the other three companies were doing.  It also adds this information:

The reports on illness are significant because Edwin was sick during this time period. There is a supplemental muster roll published in August 1919 that seems to be a casualty/sickness report covering men from many different companies for most of 1918 through July 1919, reporting non-combat related health issues and relatively minor combat wounds. The report uses a lot of coding, but “FH” apparently means field hospital. The entry for Edwin says “23rd Co: FH#1 11/8/18 Gastro Enteritis jd fr Comd, 11/8/18 tr to FH#16, FH#16 11/10/18 jd fr FH#1, 11/10/18 tr to duty.” 

The commander's report says that two gun crews were evacuated for sickness on November 9, while the August 1919 report says that Edwin went to the field hospital on November 8.  But the difficulty of doing administrative work at this time has been noted, so it wouldn't be surprising if one of these sources made a slight mistake in the date. Edwin returned to duty on November 10, but the commander's report indicates that the sick gun crews did not come back to participate in the Meuse crossing. Alternatively, Edwin might have been in the platoon that stayed with the liaison company and was not sent out to the Meuse crossing at all.

NCpedia reports that the severely wounded were taken to base hospitals far behind the front lines, but doesn't say what happened to the minor cases.  KU Medical Center says that the field hospitals functioned as emergency aid stations that did not retain patients, and instead passed them along to an evacuation hospital as quickly as possible. The November 1918 muster roll has a supplemental list of men who were sick, wounded, or killed, and Edwin's name isn't on that list. It looks like this list only covers the men who were sent to hospitals behind the lines, not the ones who were only treated at a field hospital.  But Devil Dogs page 365 says that on November 8-9 "Traffic was jammed on every road into the area, so much so that even the wounded and sick could not be taken to hospitals in the area." So nobody was going anywhere - men who were already near the front were stuck there, and those in the rear were stuck there too.  Edwin's records don't say that he went anywhere other than a field hospital. 

One of the few bits of war lore passed down through the family is that only five of the men who started out in his unit made it to the end of the war without becoming a casualty, and Edwin was one of the five.  We're not sure exactly what unit was meant - the whole 23rd Company? His platoon? Something else?  In any case, it looks like he lost many of his colleagues on the last day of the war.

The troops were unaware that an armistice was being negotiated when the crossing of the Meuse began. But the commanders certainly knew that an armistice was being negotiated, so the day's action was a senseless waste of lives for the sake of having a slightly stronger negotiating position.

Edwin's illness in the closing days of the war might have been Spanish influenza. This global pandemic ravaged the world in 1918-1919, and it's believed that troop movements and the harsh, crowded conditions at the front were a major factor in spreading it (KU Medical Center, The Conversation, Passport Health, Wikipedia). Many soldiers were affected by it, and the more virulent strain that arose in the fall of 1918 apparently originated in the trenches. The men who had been exposed to the milder form that appeared in Spring 1918 had better immunity against the new form than the ones who had never been exposed. Spanish influenza is primarily known for its severe impact on the lungs, but the disease had other forms and one of them had gastric effects instead of attacking the lungs (Erkoreka). The man below Edwin on the postwar report went to the field hospital at about the same time for the same complaint.  Devil Dogs page 359 reports that many men in the division were sick or dying from the flu during this final campaign. The Germans were impacted by it too, maybe even more than the Allies, and it may have hastened their decision to surrender.

The only mention of Edwin on the November muster roll is this: it shows him as a corporal for the first time, and says "22 pmtd to Cpl, T. Foreign W. to rank as #5 fr same date, auth Bn. Comdr." Several other men on the page have the same note with a different number. His last name is blurred, and the Ancestry computer transcriptionist read it as Edwin T Boach. Use that name to search for this document in Ancestry's document library.

The muster roll notes for November say "I certify that all changes occurring in the status of members of this organization are accounted for in the remarks hereon and except as otherwise noted in column of "Remarks" all members of this organization took part in the operations against the enemy in the Argonne Sector, France, from November 1, 1918 to November 11, 1918, and were members of the Army of Occupation from November 17,1918 to November 30, 1918". The notes also say "1-17 France, 18-20 Belgium, 21-30 Luxembourg". The muster roll notes for "C" Company go into much more detail, which apparently applies to Edwin's company too.  The C Company notes say

"1 to 11 in action against the enemy in Meuse-Argonne Offensive. 12 to 16 Letanne, France. 17 en route to Margut, France. 18 en route from Margut, France to La Bell Fontaine, Belgium. 19 at La Bell Fontaine, Belgium. 20 en route from La Belle Fontaine, Belgium to Viville, Belgium. 21 en route from Viville, Belgium to Everlange, Luxembourg. 22 en route from Everlange, Luxembourg to Rost, Luxembourg. 23 en route from Rost, Lusembourg to Schroder Hof Luxembourg, 24 to 30 at Schroder Hof, Luxembourg."

The muster rolls were issued regularly after the occupation began, and from January 1919 onward the set is complete except for February. The February report is one of those "supplemental" muster rolls that only lists the men who have some sort of change in their status. Edwin does not appear on it.

January 1919 muster roll	March 1919 muster roll	April 1919 muster roll	May 1919 muster roll	June 1919 muster roll

Edwin was promoted to Corporal on Nov 22, 1918. The December 1918 muster roll is yet another one of those "supplemental" reports that only lists the men who are being written up for some reason. It notes that everyone was in Germany from Dec 1-31. Edwin does not appear on the December muster roll.  But the January 1919 muster roll says "TFW as Cpl changed to TWW Dec 18, auth letter MGC of same date". TFW means "temporary foreign warrant" according to this USMC list. They don't explain what TWW means, but it's apparently some other type of temporary warrant.  I can't find information on what a temporary foreign warrant was, but this article talks about a 5th Regiment Marine who was promoted under one the month before Edwin was promoted.

The March 1919 muster roll says "March 1-9 on leave in France in accordance with G.O.#14, G.H.Q., A.E.F." I hope he enjoyed it.

April 1919: "April 7-30 Det’d at School, Motor Reconstruction Park, Romorantin, France, for instruction"

May 1919: "May 1-31 Det’d at School, Motor Reconstruction Park, Romorantin, France. Auth S.O. #94 Hdqtrs. 2nd Div. dated 5 Apr 19"

June 1919: "June 1-4 Det’d at School, Motor Reconstruction Park, Romorantin, France"

Soldier-Scholars: Higher Education in the AEF, 1917-1919 explains what all this schooling was about:

“Further refinements of the AEF’s educational programs came on February 13, 1919, with General Orders No. 30. This created divisional schools that were to teach courses at the high-school level, together with a list of fourteen designated trades. In the trade courses, men from both the post and division schools were often trained in connection with the work routinely carried out at the numerous large repair shops maintained by the army. The students were instructed by military personnel who were expert craftsmen and technicians. Some of the installations involved were the motor reconstruction park at Verneuil, the railway shops at Nevers, the motor construction park at Romorantin, the supply depot and Signal Corps shops at Gievres, the ordnance shops at Mehun, the driver and mechanics school at Decize, and the remount station at Sougy. Over four thousand soldiers were eventually involved in this training.”

July 1919 muster roll	August 1919 muster roll

Travel documents for the voyage home

Going home July 1919-August 1919: Effective July 5, orders were received that transferred the 2nd Division to the Service of Supply for transportation home. Other duties were canceled so everyone could prepare to go home. Trains began carrying troops to Brest on July 15, where they boarded ships and sailed westward. The last troops arrived at Brest on July 23, and it's likely that Edwin was among them. The 6th Machine Gun Battalion was the last unit of the 4th Marine Brigade to come home, leaving Brest on July 24, 1919 on the USS Santa Paula and arriving in Hoboken, New Jersey on either August 4 or August 5, depending on whether the history books or the stamps on the travel records are more accurate.  The Santa Paula was a steamship built for commercial freighter service in April 1917. The ship was requisitioned by the US Navy for war service in August 1918, and on August 21, 1919 it was decommissioned and returned to the original owners (Wikipedia). 

Edwin was promoted again shortly before leaving France.  The July 1919 muster roll says "July 10-Pmt’d to the rank of Sgt, to rank as #1 fr same date. Auth Bn Comdr."

After their arrival in the U.S., the Fourth Brigade participated in a parade in New York City on August 8. On the same day, the brigade was transferred to the naval service upon its arrival at Quantico, Va. On August 12, 1919, the brigade was reviewed by the President in a parade in Washington, D.C. (McClellan page 79).

Edwin's discharge papers

Veteran's Bureau index card

The 4th Marine Brigade was demobilized on August 13, 1919, and the August muster roll records the discharge of Edwin Beach and many other men on that date.  It says “13-For the convenience of the Gov’t. Auth Par 5, M.C.O.31, c.s., Character: Excellent."

Edwin went back to his job at the railroad after his discharge from the Marines. On October 3, 1928 he eloped with the foreman's daughter, Ruby Jarrell.  Ruby was a few months shy of being old enough to marry without her parents' permission, so she lied about her age in order to get married, a fact which greatly amuses her descendants.  The couple lived in Canton, Ohio and had several children, living a normal life until Edwin's death on February 17, 1942.  Ruby lived on for another 68 years, dying on April 23, 2010 at the age of 102.

Article from the Canton Repository, July 23, 1989

The uniform was also on display for about 10 years at the Marine Corps University archives at Quantico

Edwin's uniform and other military paraphernalia were on display for several years in the 1980s and 1990s at the now-defunct Ohio Society of Military History museum in Canton, Ohio. At some point in time, the uniform had been taken apart with the intention of using the cloth to make a quilt.  But fortunately, Ruby Beach was a notorious procrastinator with projects like that, and the quilt was never made. In the 1980s, Edwin and Ruby's son Jerry started exploring his father's military history, and he hired a seamstress to put the uniform back together. He obtained some of the documents used in this article. It was also at his instigation that Edwin was awarded the Purple Heart in 1989 for his encounter with mustard gas at Belleau Wood in 1918.  Two of the pictures above were "borrowed" from the internet, and it's likely that they originally belonged to Jerry Beach (thank you). The newspaper article at left has more information.

The Marines' dark green uniforms were disliked by the other Allies.  They were too close to the color of the German uniforms, and created a risk that the Marines would be shot by their own side in a case of mistaken identity - or that German troops might not be immediately recognized for what they were. In addition, clothing was in short supply during the war and new Marine uniforms simply weren't being shipped to France. When the Marines' original uniforms wore out (which took about two months), they were issued Army uniforms to wear as a replacement (Devil Dogs page 435, US Militaria Forum). The Marine-green uniform above may have been worn during the victory parades after the war, or even during the occupation.  But it's too fresh and clean - and the wrong color - to have been worn in combat.

After the war, the helmet was played with by two generations of children before moving to the safety of a museum. 

The official design was picked in a contest that included Marine and Army soldiers within the 2nd Division. The shoulder patch on Edwin's uniform appears to be made from tent canvas. The emblem was also painted on the front of his helmet, which can be seen in the pictures in the previous section.  It doesn't meet the regulations for the approved design, which specified that the patch for the 6th Machine Gun Battalion was a purple oval with the star and Indian head inside.  US Militaria Forum has an excellent multi-page article about the star and Indian head insignia, and there are forum posts about other aspects of the uniform and equipment in a different discussion. The image on the right side shows several variations of the "regulation" shoulder patch for the 6th Machine Gun Battalion, from page 3 of the US Militaria Forum article.

The Marine Times also has an article on the shoulder patches.

War service chevron authorization.

Uniform left sleeve

According to Emerson Insignia, the war service chevron was awarded for service in the theater of operations. A gold “V” chevron could be worn on the lower left sleeve for each six months in the war zone and/or occupation zone. Edwin served there for two full six-month periods, so he was entitled to wear two chevrons. There was also a blue chevron for periods of less than six months, but wearing chevrons with more than one color was not permitted. So he was not entitled to also wear a blue chevron for the five-month period from February 1919 to July 1919.

There was also a gold wound chevron that was to be worn on the lower right sleeve, and perhaps this is the reason that Edwin’s exposure to mustard gas at Belleau Wood is listed on his war service chevron papers. This is the only document I have seen that mentions it. His discharge papers say that he didn’t receive any wounds in service, but this didn't prevent him from receiving the Purple Heart for the gas exposure several decades later. The notation about the gas on the war service chevron paper may have been enough authorization to wear the wound chevron.

But in any case, he didn’t take advantage of the opportunity to wear these chevrons. The chevrons on the upper left sleeve of his uniform are his sergeant’s stripes.

There was also a red discharge chevron that was to be worn midway between the elbow and shoulder of the left sleeve, pointing upward. Former soldiers were allowed to wear their uniforms freely for three months after discharge, but after this period they could be charged with impersonating a soldier if they wore the uniform in public without having the discharge chevron sewn to the sleeve (US Militaria Forum). The discharge chevron has also not been attached to Edwin’s uniform, so we can assume that he didn’t want to wear it in public.

Edwin earned several medals during his time in Europe. The pictures above show two versions of the same picture, one with no writing so the medals can be seen clearly, and one with writing identifying what they are.  The items in the case are all originals. Except for the Purple Heart (which was awarded in 1989), the medals on the uniform are copies that were acquired decades after the war. The resolution on my museum photos is too low to allow much enlargement, examination of detail, or even reading the writing on the medals.  So the rest of this section uses internet photos to provide a clearer view.

Fourragere	Croix de Guerre medal	Fourragere pin with certificate	Fourragere pin with Croix de Guerre

The Croix de Guerre is a high French military honor, and units that have been awarded the Croix de Guerre two or more times receive the fourragere (a braided cord that is worn on the left shoulder of the uniform). The fourragere comes in several different colors depending on how many times the unit has been awarded the Croix de Guerre.  The entire 4th Marine Brigade was awarded the Croix de Guerre three times for their heroic action at Belleau Wood, Soissons, and Blanc Mont, which entitled them to the fourragere aux couleurs de la Croix de guerre (green and red, the colors of the ribbon on the Croix de Guerre medal). It is part of the uniform of the 5th and 6th Marines to this day. The 6th Machine Gun Battalion was permanently deactivated after the war, but if the battalion still existed there is no doubt that the fourragere would still be part of their uniform. JOMSA has an article with more information on the fourragere. The Marines were awarded the Croix de Guerre with two palms and one gilt star (metal devices attached to the ribbon), but the example here only has one star with no palm leaves.

The fourragere pin seems to be a very rare item. I was only able to find three websites that mentioned it, a museum site, Wikimedia Commons,  and an auction site. None of them explained what it was for, but apparently it was designed to be pinned to the ribbon of the Croix de Guerre medal.

Victory medal with battle clasps and Maltese cross	USMC good conduct medal	Verdun medal	St Mihiel medal	American Legion	Army of Occupation of Germany medal	Purple Heart medal	Dog tags

The United States victory medal was awarded to all military personnel for service between April 6, 1917, and November 11, 1918. The other Allied nations issued a similar medal to their troops using the same ribbon and an image of winged victory on the disc, but with some variations in the design.  In addition, the Army and Navy each issued their own battle clasps (metal bars that attached to the ribbon) to signify participation in specific battles.  Wikipedia lists the available battle clasps, and says that the medals issued to the Marines had a Maltese Cross affixed to the ribbon. The 2nd Division (including the 4th Marine Brigade) received five battle clasps: 

• Aisne May 27-June 5, 1918 (the prelude to Belleau Wood)
• Aisne-Marne July 18-August 6, 1918 (Soissons)
• St Mihiel September 12-September 16, 1918
• Meuse Argonne September 26-November 11, 1918 (counting the 2nd Division's participation in early October and early November as part of the same engagement)
• Defensive Sector, for general defense service including any battles that didn't have their own battle clasp

The Defensive Sector clasp apparently includes Belleau Wood, which was not given a clasp of its own and was not considered to be part of the Aisne defensive, even though the Aisne defensive and Belleau Wood were an uninterrupted sequence of events that simply had different names assigned to different segments.  This is apparently part of the Army's policy of classifying Belleau Wood as a local engagement instead of a major offensive.

I can see nine bars/clasps in Edwin's medal case, but I can't read the writing on them and don't know if the extras were duplicates or if they were something else.  Bars/clasps were issued for other purposes too.

Prior to December 1945, four years of honorable service without getting into trouble were required to get a good conduct medal in the Marines.  But most branches of the service change the requirement to one year of service in time of war, and the Marines must have done this in World War I.

Several of the medals in the case were not issued by the military, and it took some detective work to figure out what they were. Some of the "extra" clasps in the medal case may belong to the unofficial French medals, since these are often pictured with a name clasp on the ribbon similar to the battle clasps on the Victory medal.  Wearing these unofficial medals on the uniform is prohibited.

The Verdun medal was created by the Verdun City Council in November 1916, originally to be awarded to those who served on the Verdun front between February 21, 1916 to November 2, 1916.  It was later extended to those who served anywhere in the Argonne and St Mihiel sectors between July 31, 1914 and November 11, 1918.  There were several variations of this medal, and Edwin's appears to be the "Vernier" model (Museums Victoria Collection, Hendriks Medal Corner).

The St. Mihiel medal was created by the town of St. Mihiel in 1936 to recognize the American soldiers who fought to liberate the town in 1918 (GWPDA). This was nearly 20 years after the war, and the medal didn't just automatically arrive in the mail; recipients had to apply for it. JOMSA explains more of the history behind this medal.

The American Legion one is a bit of a mystery.  It appears to be an American Legion membership badge attached to a ribbon, but the history behind it is unclear. These ribbons were apparently issued to officers of the American Legion, but it's not clear whether anyone else got them in this same form.  There are some American Legion awards that use the same ribbon with a different medal.  The American Legion is a serviceman's organization created immediately after World War I, primarily to serve the returning veterans. 

The Army of Occupation of Germany medal has a strange history.  It was created in November 1941 in response to rising tensions with Hitler's Germany, and issued retroactively to service members who performed occupation garrison duty in between November 12, 1918 and July 11, 1923. This medal is on the uniform but not in the case of original medals, and Edwin apparently didn't have physical possession of this medal in his lifetime.

The Purple Heart is a combat decoration awarded to members of the US Armed Forces who are injured by an instrument of war in the hands of the enemy.  Edwin's exposure to mustard gas in Belleau Wood wasn't officially acknowledged at the time it happened, but he was awarded the Purple Heart for it in 1989.

History of the US Army and the USMC & USN Reenactors Association have information on USMC dog tags in World War I.

The additional medal	WW2 Marksman badge	WW1 styles

A photo from Together We Served has an additional medal that wasn't there when my pictures were taken. It appears to be a Marksman badge in a later style, with two additional clasps attached. According to Wikipedia and this USMC booklet, the badge style used by the Marines during World War I was a simple 2"x½" bar with the word "Marksman" on it.  Edwin's original badge appears to be face down in the medals case in my picture. The recipient's name was engraved on the back of marksmanship badges, and even though the picture quality is poor I can see some markings on the side that's facing up.

Army service record

Death certificate

Obituary March 1921

There is another World War I veteran in the family who seems to have mostly been forgotten, so let's take a moment to remember him here. John Floyd Herbert (known as Uncle Floyd in my branch of the family) was in the AEF from June 12, 1918 to February 3, 1919. From July 25, 1918 to his discharge on March 10, 1919 he was in Company C of the Army's 7th Infantry Regiment in the 3rd Division. This regiment also served at the battle of Belleau Wood, which ended on July 26; based on the dates, it looks like Floyd was transferred into this unit as a replacement for one of the men who was lost there.  Floyd served in three of the same battle sectors as Edwin - Aisne-Marne, St. Mihiel, and Meuse-Argonne - and was "slightly" wounded in action on October 3, 1918, which was during the Meuse-Argonne engagement.  He was later discharged with a 10% disability.

But the wound was more serious than the records indicate.  When he died in 1921, his death certificate said that the cause of death was a brain abscess caused by being shot in the head in France. He never married or had any children, so he has no descendants to honor his memory.

Floyd Herbert and Edwin Beach probably didn't meet in France.  There was no family connection at the time - in 1918, Ruby Jarrell (Floyd's niece and Edwin's future wife) was a 10 year old girl living in West Virginia with her parents and siblings, and Edwin obviously hadn't met her yet.  The men were serving in different divisions, so it's unlikely that their duties would have brought them together.